MAYAWATI, CHIEF MINISTER OF UTTAR PRADESH
Interview and translation by K.A. Badarinath

A charismatic champion of India’s underprivileged, Mayawati, 51, is never far from controversy. As chief minister of Uttar Pradesh, India’s most populous state, Mayawati in October successfully blocked the building of a special economic zone proposed by Anil Ambani, owner of Reliance Group, arguing that the deal violates the rights of local farmers. Mayawati has emerged as a political force and a proponent of Dalit causes (a Dalit is a person outside the class system of Hinduism who was formerly called an Untouchable). The first Dalit politician to become chief minister of any Indian state, Mayawati has now been chief minister of Uttar Pradesh three times. In recent years, she has adopted a more inclusive—read centrist—political stance. Her most recent coup was to sweep the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) back into power in the early 2007 assembly elections, after pursuing a ‘rainbow’ strategy, reaching out to Brahmins and other upper castes.

Do you think the Indian economic reform program has made a difference in the lives of ‘aam aadmi’, the common man and woman, on the street?

That is an absolute no. Center's economic reform program is caged with large benefits intended for the capitalist coterie of this government. Unless there is moderation in this reform program, there is every danger of losing the people's support for economic restructuring and reforms. Inclusive growth is the mantra. Economic dividends should be shared by everybody and exclude none. We wish to establish an order based on equity, welfare for all, and the rule of law.

Political analysts predict that you will play a central role in the formation of the next Indian government.

I propose to repeat the Uttar Pradesh experiment of rallying both low-caste Dalits and upper-caste Hindus along with minorities under the BSP banner in all prominent states. Chances are bright for the BSP to catapult to power under my leadership. I am putting in the hard work to shape the party into a pan-Indian political force with a distinct identity. I expect the BSP under my leadership to take charge of governance in India. I am busy evolving a working understanding with politically active regional groups that would be valued partners in my campaign.

Is it possible to balance the aspirations of upper- and lower-caste Indians?

There is absolutely no contradiction in balancing aspirations of people from different strata of society. The upper-caste Hindus know that their interest lies in lending support to us [Dalits]. In politics, the Dalits are willing to accommodate the high-caste Hindus. We are trying to make the Dalits understand that the divisive politics practiced by both UPA and NDA are not in their favor either.

What is your economic policy for taking on China internationally to provide quality goods and services at competitive prices?

My government will not be in the business of doing business. It should be left to entrepreneurs whose potential remains largely untapped due to unimaginative laws governing the economy. With prudent regulation, I propose to unleash a fresh dose of economic reforms with moderation. The only rider will be that corporations should adopt a policy of affirmative action as in the United States. I expect private businesses to voluntarily provide job opportunities to those denied access to work. A policy of job reservation for the deprived lot [read low-caste Dalits] will be put in place. Indian and foreign companies doing business and expanding project capacities must adhere to this rule. Industry in India has yet to undertake corporate responsibility, like in America, where blacks have been allowed to develop skills and climb the social ladder. My only other expectation is that industry and service providers should be fair to their employees and consumers.

Do you support the Chinese model of government-led development?

I am not averse to trying out such a model by using a major zone in Uttar Pradesh state (having a population three times that of Germany) as the laboratory. Three large areas have been identified to shape into Special Economic Zones (SEZs) on the lines of a model adopted by China. Infrastructure development is also being done the Chinese way, with big projects as the driver. The private sector is a major focus area where private investments are encouraged in a big way.

How do you explain your role in the closure of organized retail networks opened by corporations like Reliance?

I have not ordered their closure. I welcome private investment in all sectors of the economy. Corporate retailing will not be stopped. There was a law and order problem with affected people taking to the streets after these retail outlets were opened. Many lost jobs at kirana stores run by families. Law and order that has deteriorated over years is being restored. Once that is done, investors of all hues are bound to make Uttar Pradesh their home. If planned well, there is retail space for everybody. The corporations will have to provide jobs to people whose livelihood is adversely impacted. Over 600 million rural families in India are facing the threat of losing their livelihood owing to the unabashed opening up of the Indian market to foreign goods and services.

Can you tell me about an event that had a lasting impact on your life?

As a fifth-standard girl studying in a rural school I was forced to realize the importance attached to caste, as individuals were identified by their caste and not by either names, education, or learning. It was a simple instance. We were walking down the kacha [rudimentary] road on our way to Bahadurpur village in Ghaziabad district of Uttar Pradesh. An illiterate man coming for the first time to that village sought the address of a family whom he intended to meet up with. The villagers asked for the identifying caste of the family he sought to meet. From that very day, I started asking myself, “Why is the caste of an individual such a big deal?”